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Tertullian of Carthage (from
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Quintus Septimus Florens Tertullianus was born in
Carthage to pagan parents, but became a Christian at some point before AD 197.
According to Jerome[1] and Eusebius[2] he
was the son of a centurion and trained as a lawyer in Rome. Following his
conversion he became a presbyter in the church at Carthage, but dissociated
himself from the Church after the bishop of Rome rejected the New
Prophecy of the Montanist movement. However, "...neither Eusebius nor
Jerome is in this matter a reliable witness, and what can be known about
Tertullians life must be gathered from his own writings; unfortunately,
their highly rhetorical character makes inference insecure."[3)] Very different conclusions may be reached from the
fragmentary evidence available to us.[4]
Throughout church history Tertullian has received
condemnation for two main reasons: his association with the Montanist
movement[5] and because of his supposed anti-intellectualism.
However, the vast majority of scholars now agree that the Montanists were
doctrinally orthodox,[6] and so there are no grounds for
rejecting Tertullians contribution to theology on the grounds of his
association with them. Roger Forster & Paul Marston, for example, refer to
Minucius Felix (late 2nd/3rd century), as
Tertullians "more orthodox" contemporary.[7] However,
it should be noted that in Minucius Felixs work Octavius
Christianity is treated from the standpoint of philosophy, Scripture is not
cited, nor are major biblical teachings much discussed.[8] It
is therefore difficult to accept Forster & Marstons view on the basis
of arguments from silence. There has been a long history of debate whether
Tertullian used Octavius as a source for his Apology or vice
versa. Current opinion favours the priority of the Apology.[9] This is not the first time that Tertullians orthodoxy
has been attacked in order to undermine his credibility as a witness to the
beliefs and practises of the church of his day. William Wall used the same ploy
in the 1840s to support his case for infant baptism. Wall wrote that
Tertullian "...fell into the heresy of the Montanists, who blasphemously held
that one Montanus was that Paraclete or Comforter which our Saviour promised to
send: and that better and fuller discoveries of Gods will were made to
him than to the Apostles, who prophesied only in part."[10]
To which Paul K. Jewett responds: "But the noble Africans reputation as a
Christian and theologian scarcely needs defence against such beggarly
invective."[11]
Tertullian is the church father who more than any
other has been taken to epitomise the anti-intellectualism of the early Church.
Tertullian wrote:
For philosophy is the material of
the worlds wisdom, the rash interpreter of the nature and dispensation of
God. Indeed heresies are themselves instigated by philosophy
What indeed
has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What has the Academy to do with the Church?
What have heretics to do with Christians? Our instruction comes from the porch
of Solomon, who had himself taught that the Lord should be sought in simplicity
of heart. Away with all attempts to produce a Stoic, Platonic, and dialectic
Christianity! We want no curious disputation after possessing Christ Jesus, no
inquisition after receiving the gospel! When we believe, we desire no further
belief. For this is our first article of faith, that there is nothing which we
ought to believe besides.[12]
Three facts that lie behind Tertullians rhetoric
that are seldom considered:
- Greek philosophy was "an amalgam of rival
world-views, based on premises that are very different from the biblical
revelation."[13] Their failure to establish any means of
accountability to allow the resolution of disputes was already appreciated by
Diodorus (c.90-21 BC), Galen (c.130-200 AD) and Claudius Ptolemy (2nd cent. AD)
(and other leading thinkers of the 2nd century.[14]
- Tertullian believed that "heresies are
themselves instigated by philosophy,"[15] Plato and
Aristotle being responsible for Valentinian Gnosticism.[16]
David Lindberg argues that "what he therefore opposed was not philosophy
generally, but heresy or the philosophy that gave rise to it."[17]
- Tertullian himself made use of philosophical
(particularly Stoic) ideas in his writings.[18] He agreed
with Plato on the matter of the immortality of the soul.[19]
He even claimed (as Philo and Justin Martyr had before him) that the
philosophers borrowed from the Jewish Scriptures.[20] Like
all writers, he assumed that he was able to write theology without
incorporating his own presuppositions.[21]
The statement cited above must be viewed in the
context of his other works:
Elsewhere Tertullian does not always speak in such
robust terms of an unbridgeable chasm separating Athens and Jerusalem. He was
as well educated as anyone of his time: a competent lawyer, able to publish his
writings in both Latin and Greek with equal facility, acquainted with the
current arguments of the Platonic, Stoic and Aristotelian schools and also
possessing some knowledge of medicine.[22]
Finally, Tertullians argument "I believe it
because it is absurd"[23] has been shown to be a
misquotation, but more importantly it is an example of a standard Aristotelian
argumentative form. Put simply what Tertullian is actually saying is that
...the more improbable an
event, the less likely is anyone to believe, without compelling evidence, that
it has occurred; therefore, the very improbability of an alleged event, such as
Christs resurrection, is evidence in its favour. Thus far from seeking
the abolition of reason, Tertullian must be seen as appropriating Aristotelian
rational techniques and putting them to apologetic use.[24]
Indeed, in his Apology he demonstrated his
familiarity with at least thirty literary authorities, which he probably had
read first hand, rather than by referring to a handbook of quotations.[25]
Tertullians method of exegesis varied depending
on the purpose of each of his works. When writing against the Gnostic Marcion
(who rejected the Old Testament and all use of allegory) Tertullian defended
its use, noting how even Paul had used allegory in his letters.[26] While he admitted that the use of allegory was sometimes
legitimate he made it clear that he himself preferred the literal sense.[27] His principle for identifying the presence of allegory was
that it was present if the literal sense resulted in nonsense; it is not
present when the literal meaning makes sense.[28] In this he
did not differ significantly from Origens principle.[29] In his other works Tertullians use of allegory is
restrained.[30] Following other writers (such as Justin and
Irenaeus) Tertullian used typology extensively to demonstrate the unity of the
Testaments,[31] but the figures that he found in the Old
Testament were based upon historical persons, places and events, and were used
consistently.[32] As OMalley points out: "He clearly
does not feel able to allegorise generally, simply because Paul uses the words
in Gal. 4:24."[33]
Rob Bradshaw, Webmaster
References
[1] Jerome,
Lives, III, 53.
[2] Eusebius,
History, 2.2.4 (NPNF, 2nd series, Vol. 1, 106).
[3] Robert D. Sider,
"Tertullian," Everett Ferguson, ed. Encyclopedia of Early Christianity.
New York & London: Garland Publishing, 1990. pp. 883.
[4] T. D. Barnes,
Tertullian: A Historical and Literary Study. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1971).
[5] Sider, 883: "It
is because of their opposition to the Montanists that neither Eusebius of
Caesarea nor Jerome are regarded as reliable witnesses concerning Tertullian."
Schaff comments that Jerome "...admired Tertullian for his powerful genius and
vigorous style, though he could not forgive him his Montanism..." Philip
Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. 3. (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1989 reprint), 969.
[6] Barnes,
Tertullian, 42: "Historical interpretations of the rise of Montanism
inevitably differ, according to the prejudices and preoccupations of the
exegete. But the theological issue is clear. The orthodox dubbed the Montanists
Cataphygians or the Phrygian Heresy. Yet they had to
confess that they were orthodox in all matters of Christian doctrine. Only in
the fourth century could polemical writers accuse the Montanists of purely
theological error, and then the accusation patently relied upon a perverse and
anachronistic interpretation of an utterance of Montanus himself."
[7] Roger Forster,
& Paul Marston, Reason & Faith. (Eastbourne: Monarch
Publications, 1989), 260.
[8] Michael P.
McHugh, "Minucius Felix," Everett Ferguson, ed. Encyclopedia of Early
Christianity. New York & London: Garland Publishing, 1990. pp. 600.
"Minucius Felix," F.L. Cross, & Livingstone, eds. The Oxford Dictionary
Of The Christian Church Oxford: OUP, 1990. p.920.
[9] J. Stevenson, A
New Eusebius: Documents Illustrating the History of the Church to AD 337.
London: SPCK, 1987, 177.
[10] William Wall, The History of
Infant Baptism. (London: Griffith, Farran, Okeden & Walsh, n.d.),
41.
[11] Paul K.
Jewett, Infant Baptism & The Covenant of Grace. (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1978), 21.
[12] Tertullian,
Heretics, 7 (Stevenson, 166-167).
[13] Colin Brown,
Christianity & Western Thought, Vol. 1. (Leicester: Apollos, 1990),
91.
[14] Christopher B.
Kaiser, Creation & The History of Science. (London: Marshall
Pickering, 1991), 4. Kaiser continues: "The long-range welfare of natural
science depended on the development of an ecumenical community of scholars
dedicated to the pursuit of truth. This ideal was appreciated by the leading
thinkers of antiquity, but the needed substructure was not available
the
ecumenical foundation of modern science was to be provided by the monastic
movement of the Middle Ages, a movement based on the very discipline that was
advocated by Irenaeus and Tertullian. Such are the ironies of history." See
further 34-51.
[15] Tertullian,
Heretics, 7 . Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3, 246).
[16] Brown,
91.
[17] David C.
Lindberg, "Science and the Early Church," David C. Lindberg & Ronald L.
Numbers, eds. God & Nature: Historical Essays on the Encounter Between
Christianity and Science. (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of
California Press, 1986), 26.
[18] Brown,
91.
[19] Tertullian,
Resurrection 3.2 Vol. 3, 547; Richard A. Norris, God and World in
Early Christian Theology: A Study in Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian and
Origen. (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1966), 86.
[20] Tertullian,
Apology 47.1; Flesh 9.2 Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3, 51-52,
531-532). Norris, 86.
[21] Stuart G. Hall,
Doctrine and Practice in the Early Church. (London, SPCK, 1991), 69. For
a full discussion of Tertullians use of Stoic arguments see: Jean
Daniélou, The Origins Of Latin Christianity. (Philadelphia:
Westminster Press, 1980), 209-223.
[22] Henry Chadwick,
Early Christian Thought and the Classical Tradition. (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1966), 2.
[23] Tertullian,
Flesh, 5 Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 3, 525. The same idea recurs several
times in his writings.
[24] Lindberg,
26.
[25] T. D. Barnes,
Tertullian: A Historical and Literary Study. (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1971), 196-199. The full list of authorities used in Tertullians Apology
is: "Pliny the Younger, Herodotus, Ctesias, Diodorus and Thallus, Cassius
Severus and Cornelius Nepos, Pythagoras and Plato, Pindar, the Cynics Diogenes
and Varro, Cornelius Tacitus, Aristeas, Manetho the Egyptian, Berossus the
Chaldean, Hiram of Tyre, Ptolemy of Mende, Menander of Ephesus, Demetrius of
Phalerum, King Juba of Mauretania, Apion and his adversary Josephus, the stoics
Zeno and Cleanthes, Plato again and again, Epicurus, Hostilius, Laberius and
Lentulus (three writers of mimes), Cicero and Seneca, Pyrrhon and
Callincus."
[26] T.P.
OMalley, Tertullian and the Bible: Language - Imagery - Exegesis.
Latinitas Christianorum Primaeva. (Utrecht: Dekker & Van De Vegt N.V.
Nijmegen, 1967), 149.
[27] R.P.C. Hanson,
"Notes on Tertullians Interpretation of Scripture," Journal of
Theological Studies, n.s., Vol. 12 (1961): 274.
[28] OMalley,
128, 157-158.
[29] Robert E.
Roberts, The Theology of Tertullian (London: Epworth Press, 1924), 19:
"Tertullian made use of the allegorical method of interpretation, but he does
not emphasise the difference between the plain and the figurative sense of
Scripture, and certainly is no supporter of the idea that there are different
meanings of Scripture for different classes of people after the manner of the
Gnostic and Alexandrian theologians. Whatever is plain narrative is such for
all men, and where a figurative meaning is to be discovered it is open to
all."
[30] Hanson, 274:
"But though Tertullian is ready to acknowledge as legitimate the practice of
allegorizing Scripture in the Church of his day, and will occasionally have
recourse to it himself, he often rejects the practice and his writings leave a
general impression that he was suspicious of allegory."
[31] OMalley,
163.
[32] OMalley,
172.
[33] OMalley,
177.
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J.H. Waszink & J.C.M. Van Winden,
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Robert L. Wilken, "Tertullian and the
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